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Rating: 
Summary: Highly recommended!
Review: Compelling and well researched analysis of San Diego. Gripping and engaging. This book is an important corrective to the conservative myths that San Diego has embraced and made its own.
Rating: 
Summary: Rashomon
Review: The authors suffer from the same thing they seek to address: a singled minded, slanted bias. It's a real shame how some people are blind to their own bias while screaming about it in others. If the authors looked more closely, they'd see that they are no different than those they write about. Much of what is told in here needs to be written about. If it were written from a non-strident, balanced point of view it would make for interesting reading. Instead you spend most of the time wondering about the authors rather than the subject. I suppose if you take all the slanted views of a story, you can get to the truth if you try. The problem is that not all of us have time to wade through it all. San Diego deserves a well balanced in depth study of it's history. This is not it. Another reviewer got it right: if you like Howard Zinn, you should love this. The scary thing is that the authors are teachers. God help our youth (that's just an expression. I'm sure I'll be labeled a relgious wacko now).
Rating: 
Summary: 3.4 stars, three books in one
Review: This interesting work on San Diego, one of the few Republican cities in the United States, basically consists of three works in one, of varying quality. The third consists of a series of accounts of people from the other San Diego, overseen and edited by Kelly Mayhew. We here from a founder of CORE, a teacher at San Diego college, a Vietnamese refugee who has now become a peace activist, some environmental activists and trade unionists, as well as several surfers who are trying to stop environmental degradation. These accounts are interesting, but they're not footnoted and they show only parts of the picture of San Diego without revealing the whole. The second book consists of an account by Jim Miller that demonstrates the conservative elite's contempt for free speech. The value of this section depends on what you already know about California history. If you have read "City of Quartz" and other works by Mike Davis, you will not learn much. If you haven't, you will learn about how vigilantes supported by the city elite used strong-arm measures to keep the IWW off the streets of San Diego. The "respectable" conservative press smirked at beatings, tortures, sexual assaults, while calling for lynch law. You will also learn how powerful farmers used fascist methods in the thirties to keep Mexican immigrants in line. This included using actual fascists of the KKK and the Silvershirts while assaulting the Communists who tried to help and threatening their lawyers. We also learn of the city campaign against Herbert Marcuse, easily the most distinguished teacher the University of California at San Diego ever had, and the University administration's mealy-mouthed failure to assist him. (They decided to rehire him, then instituted a mandatory retirement policy that only applied to him). We also learn of threats against the small anti-Vietnam movement and the small alternate press, as well as the city's racist past. It is the first book, by Mike Davis, which is the most valuable as it gives a history of the San Diego ruling class. Like California Republicans in general, the San Diego elite is fiercely anti-Liberal and anti-Democratic, even though San Diego's prosperity depends on copious government spending (the military). Also not unlike Republicans elsewhere, the San Diego elite affects a high moral tone, even though they are also the main supporters of Tijuana's free spirited economy and the beneficiaries of the investments of Hoffa's Teamsters and the Midwest mob. There is also a steady stream of corruption in San Diego's history, from the unscrupulous transactions of John D. Spreckels in the beginning decades of the last century, to the elaborate ponzi schemes of C. Arnholt Smith in the sixties and seventies. One mayor in the eighties had to resign because of massive campaign fraud. Another mayor in the seventies barely escaped conviction. Powerful friends assisted them in many ways. Nixon probably assured one mayor's acquittal by preventing a key witness from testifying. A Nixon appointed judge fined Smith $30,000, to be paid over 25 years with no interest, for a bank collapse that had cost the Federal Deposit Insurance Corporation more than all the other bank failures up to that time since 1933. Davis notes how the San Diego elite wines and dines the military brass, while the army rank and file has to struggle to get decent jobs and affordable housing. (The military subculture also encourages a docile and uncritical population, though Davis could have expanded this point more). Davis also notes the selfish, short-sighted city planning, designed to benefit various real estate lobbies. The result has been beautiful land marred by freeways and "concrete commercial sprawl," with residential areas built with no schools or libraries and until relatively lately no supermarkets. We also learn of the false dawn around Pete Wilson, who appeared to offer an environmentally friendly form of "clean" government, but who instead engaged in cosmetic reforms, encouraged converting rental apartments to condominiums and sold city land at below-market prices, regardless of possible conflicts of interests. Although the City elite has changed over the years, the essentially conservative regime and one-party press still continue, with special favours to San Diego's greedy sports teams being the hallmark of the nineties.
Rating:
Summary: 3.4 stars, three books in one
Review: This interesting work on San Diego, one of the few Republican cities in the United States, basically consists of three works in one, of varying quality. The third consists of a series of accounts of people from the other San Diego, overseen and edited by Kelly Mayhew. We here from a founder of CORE, a teacher at San Diego college, a Vietnamese refugee who has now become a peace activist, some environmental activists and trade unionists, as well as several surfers who are trying to stop environmental degradation. These accounts are interesting, but they're not footnoted and they show only parts of the picture of San Diego without revealing the whole. The second book consists of an account by Jim Miller that demonstrates the conservative elite's contempt for free speech. The value of this section depends on what you already know about California history. If you have read "City of Quartz" and other works by Mike Davis, you will not learn much. If you haven't, you will learn about how vigilantes supported by the city elite used strong-arm measures to keep the IWW off the streets of San Diego. The "respectable" conservative press smirked at beatings, tortures, sexual assaults, while calling for lynch law. You will also learn how powerful farmers used fascist methods in the thirties to keep Mexican immigrants in line. This included using actual fascists of the KKK and the Silvershirts while assaulting the Communists who tried to help and threatening their lawyers. We also learn of the city campaign against Herbert Marcuse, easily the most distinguished teacher the University of California at San Diego ever had, and the University administration's mealy-mouthed failure to assist him. (They decided to rehire him, then instituted a mandatory retirement policy that only applied to him). We also learn of threats against the small anti-Vietnam movement and the small alternate press, as well as the city's racist past. It is the first book, by Mike Davis, which is the most valuable as it gives a history of the San Diego ruling class. Like California Republicans in general, the San Diego elite is fiercely anti-Liberal and anti-Democratic, even though San Diego's prosperity depends on copious government spending (the military). Also not unlike Republicans elsewhere, the San Diego elite affects a high moral tone, even though they are also the main supporters of Tijuana's free spirited economy and the beneficiaries of the investments of Hoffa's Teamsters and the Midwest mob. There is also a steady stream of corruption in San Diego's history, from the unscrupulous transactions of John D. Spreckels in the beginning decades of the last century, to the elaborate ponzi schemes of C. Arnholt Smith in the sixties and seventies. One mayor in the eighties had to resign because of massive campaign fraud. Another mayor in the seventies barely escaped conviction. Powerful friends assisted them in many ways. Nixon probably assured one mayor's acquittal by preventing a key witness from testifying. A Nixon appointed judge fined Smith $30,000, to be paid over 25 years with no interest, for a bank collapse that had cost the Federal Deposit Insurance Corporation more than all the other bank failures up to that time since 1933. Davis notes how the San Diego elite wines and dines the military brass, while the army rank and file has to struggle to get decent jobs and affordable housing. (The military subculture also encourages a docile and uncritical population, though Davis could have expanded this point more). Davis also notes the selfish, short-sighted city planning, designed to benefit various real estate lobbies. The result has been beautiful land marred by freeways and "concrete commercial sprawl," with residential areas built with no schools or libraries and until relatively lately no supermarkets. We also learn of the false dawn around Pete Wilson, who appeared to offer an environmentally friendly form of "clean" government, but who instead engaged in cosmetic reforms, encouraged converting rental apartments to condominiums and sold city land at below-market prices, regardless of possible conflicts of interests. Although the City elite has changed over the years, the essentially conservative regime and one-party press still continue, with special favours to San Diego's greedy sports teams being the hallmark of the nineties.
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