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Vital Remnants: America's Founding and the Western Tradition

Vital Remnants: America's Founding and the Western Tradition

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Rating: 5 stars
Summary: Vital Remnants explains America's Constitutional origins
Review: There is a palpable fear that America has lost its way, and perhaps even been untrue to itself. Examples of this loss abound, from school violence to a youth culture nihilism. "Vital Remnants," a collection of essays by some of America's top scholars in history, philosophy, political science, and law, shows, with remarkable clarity, the ways in which contemporary American society has radically altered the course upon which it was originally set. To be sure, our century looks at America with a different set of assumptions than that of our ancestors. "Vital Remnants" gives us clues by which we might stay the course for the benefit of generations to come.

Rating: 4 stars
Summary: a matter of perspective
Review: This book is essential for the library of every scholar of American constitutionalism. For those who have studied the subject, the superb selection of essays on different aspects of American political thought is enlightening. Those who are simply interested in America's founding may however be at a loss and overwhelmed by the wide range of arguments put forward in the different essays even if Gary L.Gregg did an excellent job in the introduction giving an overview to the reader of what he should expect in each essay. Thus, since all and even the American constituiton and its origins is a matter of perspective, this book can only be enjoyed after a thorough study of American political thought. For constitution freaks however it is not only useful to have, it is a real joy to browse through the essays.

Rating: 5 stars
Summary: Examining and Recapturing those Vital Remnants...
Review: ~Vital Remnants: America's Founding and the Western Tradition~ is vital for serious study of American constitutionalism and the American founding. Conspicuous in its conservatism, prudent in its effort to ascertain original intent without crude reductionism, this book edited by Gary L. Gregg, Jr. offers a remarkable breadth of insight on the American republic, constitutional history, and the founding era. The interplay of Christianity, the Anglo-American tradition, the Enlightenment, and the classical tradition in the American founding are all discussed with great clarity, objectivity, and historical elucidation. John Adams observed that public virtue was requisite for preservation of the public liberty, and such virtue could only be in the hearts of a religious people. Thus, virtue too is discussed and its relation to the American polity.

The first essay "Is America an Experiment?" by Wilfred McClay points to the uniqueness of America has having not happened by accident, fate, but by calm deliberation its form of government was conspicuously tailored-with the idea of preserving the Anglo-American common law tradition and securing the independence of the many colonial republics by Union. As Alexander Hamilton declares, it "seemed to have been reserved to the people of this country, by their conduct and example, to decide the important question, whether societies of men are really capable or not of establishing good government from reflection and choice, or whether they are forever destined to depend for their political constitutions on accident and force." The later part of the essay brings to light the conservative nature of the 1787 "experiment" vis-à-vis the modern liberal efforts to make society anew through conscious social evolution and the deified Hegelian demigod of progress.

The second essay "Founders as Farmers" by Bruce Thorton offers keen insight into the georgic agrarian tradition and its profound influence on the founding fathers and their generation. Hearkening back to ancient Rome at its impetus, and the writings of Virgil, Cicero, and Cato the Censor, Thorton captures how the small freehold farmer acted to secure liberty, independence and political stability. The yeoman farmer was seen as one of the bastions of public liberty and economic self-sufficiency. Every early American President was a countryman. The need for the continual primacy of agriculture was hinted by many from Jefferson to Taylor. Contrary to partisan obfuscation, they were not as quixotic as the ancient Spartans to ban commerce or trade and restrict foreign influence, but merely stressed the primacy of agriculture. Jefferson suggested commerce remain the "handmaid" of farming. Federalists too recognized the vitality of the farmer and small freeholders to public liberty. It was conspicuously viewed as the economic pillar upon which to firmly anchor a free republic upon. Virtue too was cultivated, by the practice of a farmer, who methodically plans, toils, and cultivates the bountiful harvest of his land. The leisure of agrarian life-more so for the aristocrats-afforded time for contemplation, reflection on politics and religion.

The next essay "Open Shudders to the Past" by classicist E. Christian Kopff captures the profound influence of the classics and ancient history amongst the American founding fathers. Many were accomplished orators, familiar with Latin and Greek, and well versed in annals of antiquity. In referring to the convulsions, class warfare, turmoil, and revolutions that befall Greece as disgusting, Alexander Hamilton made it clear that their desire was not to emulate the Romans or Greeks, but rather to learn the lessons of history which they provided. The moral example of Cincinattus who was called to save Rome as dictator is illustrated. He was the farmer-citizen-soldier called upon save a besieged Rome. Upon accomplishing his appointed objective, he promptly returned power back to the Senate upon accomplishing his goal and returned to his farm inspiring many for his sense of duty and honor. On the other hand, Julius Caesar grabbed power, clinched it and crushed the republic. Parallels have been drawn between Washington and Cincinattus. Washington could have very well become an American monarch, but would have known of it. Other explorations in this essay look into the necessity of a balance and separation of powers and makes light of the many lessons gleaned from classical history.

Perhaps one of my favorite essays by Bruce Frohnen entitled, "Revolutions Not Made, But Prevented: 1776, 1688, and the Triumph of the Old Whigs" is an examination of the conservative and prudent sobriety of the generation that through off the yolk of British tyranny to restore their local and state rights and the Rights of the Englishmen. They in sharp contrast to their French counterparts across the Atlantic were not really revolutionaries at all, as they did not seek to destroy civilization and make society anew or foment a cultural revolution. The book opens with examination of the alleged hypocrisy of Edmund Burke for supporting American independence while simultaneously condemning the French Revolution for its austere violence and social radicalism. In this essay, the author hearkens back to the developments in British history and the Rights of the Englishmen. He captures the essence between the struggles of Parliament, the King, the Gentry Nobles, Cities with Local Autonomy, and the Peasants. He sketches a background to the so called Glorious Revolution of 1688 where William of Orange raised and army toppling the centralizing and corrupt usurpations of King James II. There are many stark similarities between the revolution of 1688 and 1776. Frohnen contends both embodied the Old Whig principles of subsidiarity, local control, protection for the Rights of the Englishmen. The Old Whigs sought to maintain, restore and preserve political structures emphasizing local rule, inherited rights, and a minimal delegated authority to central political institutions. They sought to harness the centrifugal forces of corporate liberty in setting institutions in equilibrium with one another. Prior to 1776, the colonial magistrates petitioned the king for address of grievances again and again. Their grievances went largely unanswered. Finally, they boldly declared the causes compelling them to separation and exercised the ultimate exercise of interposition, namely political secession. "American founder's were conservative revolutionaries," as Gregg notes, "not radical social thinkers, and it was in the spirit of preservation that they worked their revolution."

The closing essay, "The Therapeutic Threat to Human Liberty: Pragmatism vs. Conservatism on America and the West Today," is a solid critique of the spirit of pragmatism, scientism and sterile utilitarianism which has become the new American creed, where the constitution is a flexible living document tailored to suit those conspicuously aimed at altering America by conscious social evolution. Pragmatists like Richard Rorty are scolded.

Other essays include "Natural Law, the Constitution, and Theory and Practice of Judicial Review," "Christianity, the Common Law, and the Constitution" and "Liberty and License: The American Founding and the Western Conception of Freedom" by Robert P. George, James R. Stoner, Jr. and Barry Alan Shain respectively. Recovering the vital remnants seems vitally requisite for a recovery of the republic of our forefathers, genuine popular rule within our representative republic, and maintenance of an independent citizenry. All things considered, this a most worthwhile endeavor and not worth passing up by any serious student of American constitutional history. This book is a must read!


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