Rating: Summary: no (barely any) factual evidence! Review: "By scrutinizing the administrations words and actions" Mailer came up with his arguement that we are going to war to build an empire. This is what the blurb on the back said and this is what I was expecting. A well reasearched and probable reason for why we are at war. Instead I got a unreasearched ramble. He gives no proof to his theory besides the fact that some document came out during the Bush years talking about world domination or something. To say the least he doesn't even begin to convince me. This is a theory not fact.In fact he seems to not even be able to stick to the topic and ends up rambling about the "evils of plastics" and the idea that TV is changing our way of life. *Yawn* Off topic the main quote of this book that democracy is noble in danger, etc. I am adamantly against. Mr. Mailer claims that fascism is a more natural state for humans than democracy. Idiocy in my mind. It is more natural for a leader to turn a nation into a fascist state but once this fascist state is founded it's harder to sustain than a democratic state. You need to constantly subdue the people with fear. The problem is people have no control over the nation and no way to voice their opinion so they can get more and more frustrated. Democracy allows many to voice their opinion and I think you will have a lot less frustrated people making it easier to sustain. But we have to believe Mailer because I mean he says everything noble is "always endangered." I'll be sure to keep watching TV and buying plastics but most importantly never buy anything with the name Norman Mailer on it EVER again.
Rating: Summary: Very well written, and very frightening Review: "Patriotism in a country that's failing has a logical tendency to turn fascistic," writes Norman Mailer in WHY ARE WE AT WAR? And, yes, you guessed it: he says the USA is failing. He points to the unemployment rate, the fact that one percent of the population runs this country, that we do not get to vote on most things that affect our lives (e.g., how high buildings can be, whether tax money pays for interest groups, etc.), and then reflects on the identity crisis the United States of America experienced after 9/11. If we are such a great country, we wondered, why do so many hate us? We went into a tailspin and have decided that it is our job to instill democracy in other countries. The great irony, Mailer says, is that though democracy is the most beautiful concept in the history of civilization it is also the most fragile. It cannot be instilled by the US in other countries but most grow from years, even centuries, of struggle within the individual countries. Mailer writes that the American attempt to "export" democracy to other countries will, paradoxically, do more to encourage and promote fascism at home and abroad. But Mailer does not allow for any such benevolent musings. We are not in Iraq to establish democracy, he writes. We are there to get a foothold on the Middle East, and then to pursue domination of the entire world. The plan for the US domination of the world was set in place back in the early 1990s. Mailer reasons that if not for Clinton the US would be running the world by now, which accounts for the intense hatred so many conservatives had for him. WHY ARE WE AT WAR? is both enlightening and frightening.
Rating: Summary: Extreme intellectualism is no vice Review: A favorite "bad boy" of American belles lettres, Norman Mailer has kept his finger on the pulse of America since 1948, with the publication of "The Naked and the Dead." He's always had an attraction to our perversities and anxieties, and over the decades has been captivated by the question, "Why?" Why are we in Vietnam? Why are we obsessed with violence? Why is democracy so fragile? Never one to shrink from, or even start a fight, he does have a strong sense of justice and social rightness that is perhaps reflected in his (I think) philosophical neologism, Left-Conservatism. In "Why Are We at War?" he makes the case for the roles of paradigm shifts, existential hemorrhage, and national hubris behind our reactions to 9-11, Iraq, and American destiny. Paradigm shift and existential hemorrhage: The book begins and ends with a partial transcript of a discussion between Mailer and Dotson Rader about the events of 9-11. Some politicians said, in the immediate aftermath of the World Trade Center bombing and immediately before the invasion of Iraq that we need to examine why we, as a country are so hated. We all agree that our first reaction is bafflement. That it is inconceivable to us that any country or people could doubt our nobility of purpose or purity of motive. That the granting of democracy to other people is the manifestation of God's work in the universe. And that to question any of these notions is heretical AND unpatriotic. But by posing the questions, we become agitated and distressed to glimpse the issues from a non-American center and perspective. When we come to view a tiny corner of the terrorists perspective, what happens is NOT a state of sympathy, but rather an appreciation of the possible endlessness of combat with true believers who are bent on destruction and murder as a tactical approach to cultural war. Where, from Mailer's viewpoint, does this get us? Well, one the one hand, if we accept that we are up against a philosophy at complete odds with ours, where almost a billion people have sympathy to some degree with that philosophy, and where there is some justification for anti-Western and anti-corporate sentiment, then we have a lot of bridge-building to do. To foster basic social economic, and legal justice. To stop supporting corrupt, tyranical governments which use our conflicts as screens to deflect attention from their own severe shortcomings. To support more moderate, mainstream Muslims who have philosophies very different from the more extreme clerics and terrorist theorists. Hubris: On the other hand, we can take the current set of conflicts as signs of a few evil (an important buzz-word in this book) individuals' taking arms against God's people. Mailer examines the evolution of neo-conservative political philosophy and his vision sounds like an unholy melding of the worst Manifest Destiny with Christian Triumphalism and the British Raj. Endless conflict supporting American imperial destiny and a vision of world dominance for the betterment of mankind. Mailer's attitude toward George W. is curious and very interesting: "I would guess that George W. Bush can tell when one of his experts knows what he's talking about and when he's only pretending he knows. . . . Clinton. . . was always the brightest guy in his circle. Whereas Bush is smart enough to know that he couldn't possibly do the same or the country would be run by morons." While Mailer believes that Bush is driven by true idealism, he tempers the notion with caveats. That corporate-driven greed corrupts the philosophy. That plutocracy diminishes the quality of democracy and brings into greater question the motives of its rulers. That the administration may be trying in good faith to save the world. But, paraphrasing Kierkegard, "When we think we are nearest to God, we could be assisting the Devil." In the words of Robert Byrd, "I must truly question the judgment of any President who can say that a massive, unprovoked military attack on a nation which is over 50 percent children is "in the highest moral traditions of our country.'" Ultimately, neither the neo-cons nor the terrorists, to Mailer, have God's ear. When the "American Conservative" interviewer asks him, "If ours is indeed a post-Christian society in which materialism is the highest good and it takes a faith to fight a faith, are they not better suited to combat us?", he replies, "No, . . . this war is so unbalanced in so many ways, so much power on one side, so much true hatred on the other, so much technology for us, so much potential terrorism on the other, that the damages cannot be estimated." What is terribly on the line here is democratic process itslef, the slow trade of personal liberties for shrinking notions of individual security. Never expect an organization established to collect intelligence and provide security to simultaneously safeguard free expression and free movement. This is a rich little book that will, I hope, inspire many to further question the motives and tactics of of our society, motivated by love for the society and its institutions, and believeing that we are a beacon for hope and freedom in the world.
Rating: Summary: Going Strong at 80 Review: Andy Warhol once posited his idea of celebrity. Everyone, he said, was entitled to 15 minutes of fame. Norman Mailer, who just turned 80, has long bypassed that standard. He became instantly famous with the publication of his best selling novel about life in the trenches in World War Two, "The Naked and the Dead", in 1948 at the age of 25. Here we are 55 years later and Mailer is still busily at work cranking out books. "Why Are We At War?" contains a novel twist on Mailer's part, in which he engages in a dialogue with a fellow New Yorker. We receive some interesting insights on what it was like to be in the city in midtown Manhattan when the tragedy of 9-11 erupted. The smoke in the background is described as well as the rapid migration uptown away from the scene of the Twin Towers tragedy. Men in suits are described running uptown, not knowing whether their lives are in immediate jeopardy. Mailer writes emphatically that a link was not established between the events of 9-11 and Saddam Hussein's Iraqi government. He believes that a thorough investigation of 9-11 is needed in which all the available evidence is revealed, a point so many of us continue to make along with the veteran author, who won a Pulitzer Prize for writing about and arguing effectively against American involvement in Vietnam. Mailer also writes interestingly about the differences he perceives between the manner in which Bill Clinton delegated power as president alongside the operating pattern of George W. Bush. His insights are crisp and direct, making this an interesting reading experience. As always, Mailer is original and fascinating in his revelations, never subjecting us to boredom.
Rating: Summary: Going Strong at 80 Review: Andy Warhol once posited his idea of celebrity. Everyone, he said, was entitled to 15 minutes of fame. Norman Mailer, who just turned 80, has long bypassed that standard. He became instantly famous with the publication of his best selling novel about life in the trenches in World War Two, "The Naked and the Dead", in 1948 at the age of 25. Here we are 55 years later and Mailer is still busily at work cranking out books. "Why Are We At War?" contains a novel twist on Mailer's part, in which he engages in a dialogue with a fellow New Yorker. We receive some interesting insights on what it was like to be in the city in midtown Manhattan when the tragedy of 9-11 erupted. The smoke in the background is described as well as the rapid migration uptown away from the scene of the Twin Towers tragedy. Men in suits are described running uptown, not knowing whether their lives are in immediate jeopardy. Mailer writes emphatically that a link was not established between the events of 9-11 and Saddam Hussein's Iraqi government. He believes that a thorough investigation of 9-11 is needed in which all the available evidence is revealed, a point so many of us continue to make along with the veteran author, who won a Pulitzer Prize for writing about and arguing effectively against American involvement in Vietnam. Mailer also writes interestingly about the differences he perceives between the manner in which Bill Clinton delegated power as president alongside the operating pattern of George W. Bush. His insights are crisp and direct, making this an interesting reading experience. As always, Mailer is original and fascinating in his revelations, never subjecting us to boredom.
Rating: Summary: Disappointing, rambling account Review: Are you looking for a cogent explanation of the practical or moral reasons that the U.S. should, or should not, be in a war with Iraq? Of so, keep looking! Don't read this book - it mostly has little to do with the Iraqi war or the foreign policy that put the U.S. in the war. Mailer's rambling account teeters back and forth, and quite frequently, I might add, among a host of American ailments, including: empire building; corporate skullduggery; the shallow culture of advertising; Presidents who lack a human side to their public persona; Pentagon dominated foreign policy; the scapegoating of immigrants for America's problems; and flirtations with fascism in the wake of 9/11. The causes and issues around these ailments are never presented, even for his principal concerns -- corporate misbehavior and empire building -- much less their relationship to the Iraqi war. Mailer makes accusations but never presents the evidence. The book's format is inaccessible. Questions and answers from discussions with a friend and with the "American Conservative" are often transparently mixed within the same chapter among his own discussion points. The unrelated tangents are many. At one point, Mailer contends that the use of fluorescent lighting is having a deleterious effect on our educational system. It seems that the lights make children look pale and ugly, and the resulting depression in their psyche significantly reduces mental concentration. True or not, it has nothing to do with the book's title. I thought I would like this book. I like Mailer's novels, and I believe that Bush, Cheney, Rumsfeld, Wolfowitz, and others are disposed to use the U.S. status as the lone superpower to advance American national interests with little regard for moral or practical implications. The book has a few interesting tidbits, such as a scenario in which American freedom is greatly curtailed by Homeland Security and panic resulting from a host of domestic terrorists attacks that might include dirty bombs and biological agents. However, I learned very little from reading Mailer's book and often wondered when he was going to answer the question proposed in the title.
Rating: Summary: Why Are We Reading This Book? Review: Does anyone care about the opinions of a senile pompous windbag like Mailer? The man is so longwinded. He couldn't tell a straightforward story if his life depended on it. Mailer should keep quiet and stick to what he knows, like writing unreadable tomes and stabbing his wife.
Rating: Summary: could have been more Review: First let me say that I absolutely love mailer's work. While it is true that he might be viewed as inaccessable, he's quite easy to understand if you've read his other works. One problem with this work is that I was kept wanting more. Thank you Mailer for a great timely work.
Rating: Summary: A well reasoned argument. Review: I am not necessarily a fan of Norman Mailer. I recall Dick Cavett once saying that when Norman Mailer sits down, he needs two chairs, one for him, and one for his ego. That said, I thought this book, which should be more rightly seen as a pamphlet, had enough thought provoking, and rationally based arguments to enlighten the average citizen on why the U.S. is in Iraq. Unlike some other talking heads, the author makes it clear that these are his opinions and not based on unstated facts. The author notes the influence of radical conservatives such as Paul Wolfowitz, Dick Cheney, and others in the government who subscribe to the concept of an American empire, which is, he believes, the reason for war. This decision to extend the American authority is either due to perverse greed, or an honest belief that America must save the world. Mailer also postulates that even though Iraq had nothing to do with 9/11, President Bush seems to have reasoned that, If terrorism is evil and must be destroyed, and Saddam Hussein is evil, then Saddam Hussein must be destroyed. Ergo, we fight in Iraq because of 9/11. Frankly, the belief that this may be the operative syllogism (despite the obvious logical flaws and policy inconsistencies with other state leaders) makes more sense then any other reason for why Mr. Bush believes we should be in Iraq (it's the same theme of a popular country song and to many letters to the editor favoring the war). That Bush continually changes stories on his stated reasons for entering war, and other evidence to support him does not appear to exist, gives credence to Mailer's conclusions. Mailer's point on American's anger toward immigration was under developed. To the question of why others in the world hate us so, consider how offensive are some long time Americans to immigrants, whom they fear will change the nature of this country. English only laws are one symptom of this hysteria. Also remember the anger expressed towards Japan when some thought that country seemed intent on buying what they did not win in war. This is similar (right or wrong) to what other cultures feel toward the infiltration of American culture in their land. Now multiply this fear several times because the U.S. also has the military and economic might to force an influence where it may not be fully desired. Mailer does fill the rest of his book with random thoughts on various issues, some relevant, others less so, but it's a quick read and does not do damage to his central thesis. And despite what one may think about Mailer, he gives every indication that his arguments are based on a sincere desire to help Americans think straight about what is happening around us and to preserve freedom.
Rating: Summary: A well reasoned argument. Review: I am not necessarily a fan of Norman Mailer. I recall Dick Cavett once saying that when Norman Mailer sits down, he needs two chairs, one for him, and one for his ego. That said, I thought this book, which should be more rightly seen as a pamphlet, had enough thought provoking, and rationally based arguments to enlighten the average citizen on why the U.S. is in Iraq. Unlike some other talking heads, the author makes it clear that these are his opinions and not based on unstated facts. The author notes the influence of radical conservatives such as Paul Wolfowitz, Dick Cheney, and others in the government who subscribe to the concept of an American empire, which is, he believes, the reason for war. This decision to extend the American authority is either due to perverse greed, or an honest belief that America must save the world. Mailer also postulates that even though Iraq had nothing to do with 9/11, President Bush seems to have reasoned that, If terrorism is evil and must be destroyed, and Saddam Hussein is evil, then Saddam Hussein must be destroyed. Ergo, we fight in Iraq because of 9/11. Frankly, the belief that this may be the operative syllogism (despite the obvious logical flaws and policy inconsistencies with other state leaders) makes more sense then any other reason for why Mr. Bush believes we should be in Iraq (it's the same theme of a popular country song and to many letters to the editor favoring the war). That Bush continually changes stories on his stated reasons for entering war, and other evidence to support him does not appear to exist, gives credence to Mailer's conclusions. Mailer's point on American's anger toward immigration was under developed. To the question of why others in the world hate us so, consider how offensive are some long time Americans to immigrants, whom they fear will change the nature of this country. English only laws are one symptom of this hysteria. Also remember the anger expressed towards Japan when some thought that country seemed intent on buying what they did not win in war. This is similar (right or wrong) to what other cultures feel toward the infiltration of American culture in their land. Now multiply this fear several times because the U.S. also has the military and economic might to force an influence where it may not be fully desired. Mailer does fill the rest of his book with random thoughts on various issues, some relevant, others less so, but it's a quick read and does not do damage to his central thesis. And despite what one may think about Mailer, he gives every indication that his arguments are based on a sincere desire to help Americans think straight about what is happening around us and to preserve freedom.
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