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The Harding Era : Warren G. Harding and His Administration (Signature Series) |
List Price: $37.50
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Rating: Summary: Harding Seen for the First Time Review: The Harding Era brought to the reader, for the first time, an accurate and fair account of the Warren G. Harding Presidency. Harding had been (and in some respects still is) the most maltreated president in our nation's history. His reputation plummeted soon after his untimely death in office, and misconceptions and lies soon became accepted as fact rather than fiction. Murray's work shows some interesting aspects of Harding's two and a half years in office:
· The myth of a smoke filled room does disservice to Harding, who through effective campaigning and a natural congeniality, was able to secure the 1920 nomination, and it does a disservice to the supposed power brokers, some of whom continued to vote against Harding until the end. Uncertain times and two bull-headed front-runners more than party bosses pulling the strings of a puppet Harding made a dark-horse Harding nomination possible.
· Harding was able to bring governmental spending under control by creating, under the executive branch, the office of the budget. As well, he championed and was able to accomplish the Washington Naval Conference, which set the stage for military size and ability following post World War One. His policies have been shown to be wanting, but in his day were seen as viable to an isolationist nation.
· The Teapot Dome scandal, which has historically been the Achilles heal of the Harding administration, is seen in the light of historical research: it was only in the papers for a brief time and Harding, by transferring control of governmental oil reserves from one cabinet secretary to another was simply following what was thought to be the good advice of his cabinet. He was not involved in the scandal nor could he really be faulted for what was for him an uncomplicated administrative transfer.
· The Harding era ended a recession and set the stage for republican dominance throughout the 1920s. It is shown that both Coolidge and Hoover built on this base. And, no matter how the slogan came about, "Normalcy" became the catchword of the era. Few presidents have been able to define an era as the Harding campaign did.
· Both presidents Coolidge and Hoover have hindered Harding's reputation. Both had served in the Harding cabinet and either could have spoken up for their deceased colleague to counter some of the hearsay that was accepted as fact. Yet Harding was by then a political albatross, and they both stayed silent.
Murray also clearly shows the weakness of Harding as a man and president.
· His sexual prowess was less accepted, even to a roaring 1920s, than it might have been later on. Although verified accounts of his exploits are less than the rumors and stories surrounding him, (Murray shows the idea of sex in the oval office closet to be basically another lie turned into fact), Harding was no moral beacon. As the 20th century closed in the United States Harding was remembered as a 1920s Bill Clinton. Harding could have only blamed himself for this.
· Personally he governed by consensus, weakness, and some executive planning. The speeches during his Western and Alaskan tour seem to show a man growing into the office and wanting to exercise more presidential authority. I personally think that had Harding lived he would have weathered the scandals, won re-election, and been remembered better. Yet, his death and his many hidden papers, for many years presumed destroyed, allowed the various Harding myths to emerge. By being a largely ineffective leader of questionable moral character, Harding is to be blamed for a good portion of this as his weak administration and legacy could not counter-act public perception. Most notably in his mistakes was choosing the notorious Albert Fall to be in his cabinet. Fall more that anyone helped destroy Harding's reputation.
· It is clear that Harding neither made the times, nor did the times make Harding. Brought to office by a country tired of war and wanting to be left alone without a League of Nations or similar entanglement (and helped by a number of first time voting women who found a handsome Harding elect able), he brought with him an undistinguished political record and the nostalgia of and for a small town America. Thankfully most political contests have brought forth a higher caliber winner than did the 1920 election.
Murray concludes by stating that Harding probably should not have been president. But that he was president. This second part alone merits Murray's excellent book. Years ago, when beginning a rather short-lived career as a high school history teacher, I visited the Harding Home and grave in Marion, Ohio. The tour of the home was a bit comical and somewhat less than professional, as a rather obese guide meandered us around the house, at times blowing his nose and checking his handkerchief for contents. The Harding grave was closed to the public, but I got in and saw his grave covered by garden hoses and a soda bottle. The tour was a metaphor for the Harding years. It was not enough to strive to be America's "Best Loved President". The administration needed more and could not provide it, and has strived since then to gain respect. Some Harding aficionados have suggested that Harding should not be considered America's worst president, but should be elevated to the row of bottom tier presidents (based on whatever scale is used in rating presidents). Overall this is not saying much, but it does say something. Reading Robert K. Murray's The Harding Era might just convince the reader that this bump up to the bottom is justified.
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